Tuesday, September 27, 2022
Into the Cannibal’s Pot:
Lessons For America From Post-Apartheid South Africa  Source  
Into the Cannibal’s Pot:
Lessons For America From Post-Apartheid South Africa

Into the Cannibal’s Pot: Lessons for America from post-Apartheid South Africa is a polemical work anchored in history, reality, fact, and the political philosophy of classical liberalism. It is a manifesto against mass society, arguing against raw, ripe, democracy, here (in the US), there (in South Africa), and everywhere. Into the Cannibal’s Pot follows Russell Kirk’s contention that true freedom can be found only within the framework of a social order. It is a reminder that, however imperfect, civilized societies are fragile. They can, and will, crumble in culturally inhospitable climes. The tyranny of political correctness, so unique to the West plays a role in their near-collapse. Advanced societies don’t just die; they either wither from within, or, like South Africa, are finished off by other western societies. Ilana Mercer delivers a compelling book; it is required reading for thinking people who care about the destiny of western civilization.


Dedicated to my Afrikaner brothers betrayed, and to my African sisters, Nomasomi Khala and Annie Dlahmini, whose lives touched mine.

With Gratitude

To the publisher of this volume to whom added appreciation is due.

To Thomas Szasz, Thomas DiLorenzo and Erik Rush—firm friends all.

To my proof-reader and copy-editor R. J.Stove: The manuscript was polished for publication by the epistolary Wizard of Oz.

To James Ostrowski and Nebojsa Malic for useful comments.

To researcher Rhona Karbusicky, who provided unstinting assistance.

To a nineteen-year-old homeschooled, consummate professional named Aaron Sleadd.

To my dear daughter, who helped me through a punishing publication process.

To my sweet mother, Ann-Wendy Cumes, and my beloved father, Rabbi Abraham Benzion Isaacson, for their backing.

And to my husband, Sean Russell Mercer, who kept me going.

~ Ilana Mercer

Publisher’s Note

This is a book about ideas and ideology. When losing an intellectual argument, there are despicable people who point an accusing finger and shout racism. In our dark times where mob rule and collectivist ideas resonate with so many, this appalling strategy can be very effective.

To those who support colorblind civil discourse, rule of law, equality of opportunity, freedom, the golden rule (do unto others as you wish them to do unto you), liberty, freedom of expression and religion and private property rights…regardless of skin color or ethnic background (black, red, white, yellow, brown, green or violet), we extend the hand of friendship.

To those who support all forms of thuggery—including totalitarianism, collectivism, fascism, extremist fundamentalism, unequal treatment under law, income redistribution, nanny state government programs and the soft bigotry of low expectations—your skin color and ethnicity are irrelevant…and your ideas belong in the dustbin of history.

Introduction: Rambo Nation

When South Africa was governed by a racist white minority, it was scorned by the West and treated as Saddam Hussein was, with boycotts and sanctions. Now that a racist, black-majority government controls the country; that it is as violent as Iraq, Liberia, or the Congo and rapidly becoming another Islamist-friendly, failed African state, it is the toast of the West.

Indeed, world leaders and the liberal lickspittle media seldom speak of the embarrassment that is the democratic South Africa—the crumbling infrastructure of this once First World country, and the out-of-control crime—down to an ongoing mini-genocide. Rocker Bono certainly isn’t moved to tears over the seemingly systematic extermination of the Afrikaner farmers of South Africa. The cultural cognoscenti in the US are equally silent about the New South Africa’s unparalleled, radical, race-based wealth-distribution policies.

As Into The Cannibal’s Pot demonstrates, South Africa’s democratically elected African leaders are as committed as their political predecessors, apartheid-era Afrikaners, to restructuring society around race. With one distinction: more people are murdered in one week under African rule than died under the detention of the Afrikaner government over the course of roughly four decades.[*] Consequently, the much-maligned Western stronghold established in South Africa under Boer—and before that British—rule is rapidly reverting to type. Gone is the European strongman who suppressed the seething African kraal. What has arisen instead is best captured by Joseph Conrad’s Kurtz: “The horror, the horror.” Dubbed the “Rainbow Nation,” for its multiculturalism, South Africa is now, more than before, a “Rambo Nation.”

Americans, who take for granted their domestic tranquility, can’t afford to finesse the fate of the dying Christian civilization at the tip of Africa. Into The Cannibal’s Pot compels them to stare into “The Heart of Darkness” that is the New South Africa, and by so doing, offers a cautionary tale: in their unqualified paeans to the will of the majority everywhere, Americans must understand that traditionally Western legal institutions, however flawed, are preferable to institutions riven by tribal feuds, fetishes, and factional loyalties.

[*] See Chapter 1, Crime, the Beloved Country

Universal suffrage is not to be conflated with freedom.

As the democratic South Africa (and Iraq) amply demonstrates, political rights don’t secure the natural rights to life, liberty, property, and the pursuit of happiness; ink-stained fingers don’t inoculate against blood stains. Extant societal structures that safeguard life and property can always be improved upon. But once these bulwarks against mob rule and mayhem disintegrate, they are seldom restored. A civilized society, ultimately, is one in which the individual can go about the business of life unmolested. If he can’t do that simple thing, of what value is the vote?

Post-apartheid South Africa serves as a reminder that such societies, however imperfect, are fragile. They can, and will, crumble in culturally inhospitable climes; the new South Africa reminds us that, for better or for worse, societies are built slowly from the soil up, not from the sky down. And by people, not by political decree. Sadly, the facts as this writer tells them indicate that, while the Old South Africa could only have improved; the New South Africa can but decline.

So why is this book so very crucial at this juncture? Simply this: Although grisly horror stories have percolated into the popular press, the emetic facts about the New South Africa have never before been told. They must be! Into the Cannibal’s Pot fills this knowledge gap. This book, moreover, is crucial in curbing the naïve enthusiasm among American elites, and those they’ve gulled, for radical, imposed, top-down transformations of relatively stable, if imperfect, societies, including their own. As the example of South Africa demonstrates, a highly developed Western society can be dismantled with relative ease. In South Africa, this deconstruction has come about in the wake of an almost overnight shift in the majority/minority power structure.

In the U.S., a slower, more incremental transformation is under way. It began with a state-orchestrated, historically unparalleled, mass importation of inassimilable ethnic groups into a country whose creed is that it has no creed any longer. American institutions no longer assimilate immigrants.

Rather, they acculturate them to militant identity politics aimed at doing away with merit. Dissolving the American people and electing another, to paraphrase Bertolt Brecht, will likely erode American institutions further, and may well replicate on American soil the terrifying conflicts that mar the Third World. Ever the source of deafening demagoguery about the virtues of democracy, American leaders might wish to consider that, “Severely divided societies are short on community,” and “community is a prerequisite for majority rule.”1

Still, American leaders refused to rest until South Africa became a democracy. And before that Zimbabwe. And after that Iraq. (They were not alone. I trace that chain of culpability in Chapter Seven, “The Anglo-American-Australian Axis of Evil.”) The consequences in each case have been catastrophic. While all people want safety and sustenance for themselves, not everyone is prepared to allow those whom they dislike to peacefully pursue the same. This maxim applies both to Mesopotamia and to Azania (the term once used for South Africa by the governing African National Congress). The time is historically ripe to challenge some of the central tenets of liberal democratic ideology through the prism of another democratic disaster: post-Apartheid South Africa.

If the sanctity of life is the highest value in a civilized society, then the New South Africa has little to recommend it. Societies are only as good as the individuals of whom they are comprised; individuals only as good as their actions. Democratic South Africa is now preponderantly overrun by elements, both within and without government, which make a safe and thriving civil society impossible to sustain. The salient feature of mass politics in the New South Africa is a government unable to control itself and unwilling to control a sinecured criminal class. As a consequence, sundered is the individual’s right to live unmolested.

Our unhappy trek through the wreck of the New South Africa begins with the facts, nothing but the facts. The realities of crime-riddled democratic South Africa are relayed in Chapter One: “Crime, the Beloved Country.” The title parodies Alan Paton’s poignant tale titled Cry, the Beloved Country. The story of the life of Zulu pastor Stephen Kumalo was to apartheid South Africa what Harriet Beecher Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin was to antebellum America.

1 Donald L. Horowitz, A Democratic South Africa?: Constitutional Engineering in a Divided Society (Berkeley: California,1991), p. 99.

Victims of crime in South Africa garner some sympathy, but it is sympathy on a sliding scale. Thus, worldwide, the press extended liberal pieties to liberal Nobel Prize-winning author Nadine Gordimer. She had survived an attack in her Johannesburg home. The Prince of Wales bewailed the murder of another prominent liberal, Anglo-Zulu War historian David Rattray. He was killed by six armed Zulus. When the nephew of South Africa’s finest novelist (no; it’s not J. M. Coetzee), the liberal André Brink, was shot and killed in front of his wife and daughter, The Economist took note:

‘First he thought it was a mouse, then a rat—and then the rat shot him in the face.’ That is how André Brink, one of South Africa’s most famous novelists, described the recent killing of his nephew Adri, at home at 3am in the morning.2

Former First Lady Marike de Klerk, brutally stabbed in her Cape Town apartment, received a fair amount of international attention too. Not so the Afrikaner farmers who are being culled like springbok in a hunting safari. This brings us to the mini-genocide underway in the democratic South Africa, chronicled in Chapter Two, “The Kulaks of South Africa Vs. The Xhosa Nostra.”

The ruling African National Congress (ANC) is largely composed of the Xhosa Bantu tribe. The Xhosa are also well-represented among the Africans armed with automatic weapons, who roam the countryside killing Afrikaner farmers. These rural folk—who, by law, must battle their ubiquitous assailants with only a shotgun, a handgun and a legally limited number of rounds at their disposal3—are convinced that the assaults are state-sanctioned, the ANC’s idea of an early eviction notice; “land reform,” if you will. The evidence suggests that they may have a point, hence the title pitting the “Kulaks” against the “Xhosa Nostra.”

But before we recount how upward of 3,000 members of this once 40,000-strong community—almost ten percent—have hitherto been exterminated, we explain who the Boers are and provide a brief, action-packed, history of Boer, Briton and Bantu. Americans will want to hear this! Decades of emasculation—legal and cultural—have created a hunger among American men, especially, for heroic, historic narrative. The story of the South African settlers, circa 1652, is every bit as epic as that of the American settlers. Despite their comparable foibles and frailties, the last haven’t been blackened by historians as much as the first.

It is commonly argued, in defiance of emerging facts to the contrary,4 that crime is an equal opportunity offender in South Africa: whites, blacks and browns are all in it together. What is incontrovertible, however, is that, where economic opportunities are concerned, the minority that dare not speak its name is on the wane. White males, strictly speaking, are not supposed to comprise more than ten percent of the payroll in a South African company. As during apartheid, a class of people is being dispossessed because of their pallor.

Chapter Three, “Dispossession is Nine-Tenths of the Law,”explores this legal attack on property known as Black Economic Empowerment (BEE). BEE is yet another unique feature of the South African democracy, whereby racist labor laws have made for what Robert Guest, Africa editor of The Economist, has charitably termed “The world’s most extreme affirmative action program.”5 The upshot of such a coercive transfer of private wealth from those who create it to those who consume it is that societal institutions—state and civil—are being hollowed out like husks. South Africa’s gutted institutions serve as a harbinger of things to come in the U.S., where affirmative action is still dismissed as a “minor irritant,”6 but ought not to be.

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2.  “Between staying and going,” The Economist, September 25, 2008.

3.  Ilana Mercer, “Self-defense: A universal right,” WorldNetDaily.com, June 25, 2004,
http://www.wnd.com/news/article.asp?ARTICLE_ID=39139 (accessed October 20, 2009).

4.  Carvin Goldstone, “Who do criminals target in SA?”, IOL, August 4, 2007.

5.  Robert Guest, “The World’s Most Extreme Affirmative Action Program,” Opinion Journal, December 26, 2004.

6.  Ibid.

South Africa is a microcosm of what America could become, unless it returns to the principles that made it great. If American institutions continue to subordinate their raison d’être to politically dictated egalitarianism, reclaiming them from the deforming clutches of affirmative action will become harder and harder. Sadly, it is probably already too late for South Africa, where the majority opposes a meritocracy. Americans, however, must once again embrace merit and individualism. Be it in the U.S. or in South Africa, preferential treatment, enforced by legal fiat and rooted in the characteristics of a group (race) rather than the value of the individual, flouts justice in every respect.

The West has grown accustomed to Thabo Mbeki, South Africa’s refined former president. Having spent most of his adult life abroad in exile, Mbeki has the mannerisms of an English gent, not a man of the people. But the baton has been passed from the pukka proper Mbeki to the populist polygamist Jacob Zuma, whose favorite jingle is called “Bring Me My Machine Gun.” (It only has two lines; the second beseeches, rather politely, “Please bring me my machine gun.”7) In a country in which crimes are seldom prosecuted, the newly-installed President Zuma has the dubious distinction of having stood trial on 783 charges of corruption, racketeering, tax evasion, and rape.8

Against Mbeki’s reserved style, there is Zuma’s unbuttoned conduct, dancing half naked in tribal dress. In one of his Noble-Savage moments, after forcing sex on an HIV-positive acquaintance, Zuma promised, disarmingly, that he took a shower as a prophylactic against AIDS. It has been suggested that Zuma has done for South Africa’s international image what Borat Sagdiyev has done for Kazakhstan.9 With one distinction: Borat is a fictitious character, the product of Sacha Baron Cohen’s comedic genius; Zuma is “for real.”

Since Zuma’s ascension, wealth transfer in South Africa is expected to accelerate considerably and to resemble ever more closely the unabashed confiscation and dispossession brought about by Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe. “Mandela, Mbeki, And Mugabe Sitting In A Baobab Tree K-I-S-S-I-N-G,” or Chapter Four, analyzes the significance of the unqualified support Zuma’s predecessors, Mandela and Mbeki, have lent the Zimbabwean dictator Robert Mugabe over the decades. “If you want to see the future of South Africa, it might not be a bad idea to look at the present in Zimbabwe.”10

The Old South Africa had been governed by Puritans. But as Christianity receded in influence after the 1994 transition, the void left has been filled by Islam. The unintended consequences of bringing the Old South Africa to its political knees, to the detriment of American interests, are covered in Chapter Six, “Why Do WASP Societies Wither?”

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7.  Peter Hitchens, “He has four wives and he faced 783 counts of corruption,” Daily Mail, March 31, 2009.

8.  “Zuma: South Africa’s comeback kid,” BBC News, December 28, 2007.

9.  “Wounded Nation,” The Herald [Glasgow], February 9, 2008.

10.  Andrew Kenny, “The Future Looks Black,” The Spectator, April 9, 2005.

America, a humane society, ought to take pity on the persecuted descendants of another Protestant patriarchy. However,even if American immigration policy welcomed white South Africans, which it doesn’t, Afrikaners would find it hard to leave. The Boers (and British) built the place. Like Heidi away from the Alps, Afrikaners tend to wilt when separated from their homeland. Not for nothing have the Afrikaners been dubbed “The White Tribe of Africa.”11 They are as African as black South Africans. What is to be done, then, in light of the fact that Afrikaner farmers, in particular, are being killed off at alarmingly high rates? While it remains for the secessionists to “give territorial content”12 to their aspirations, secession is one of the escape routes suggested in the conclusion, “Saving South Africans S.O.S.”

Into the Cannibal’s Pot is topped and tailed with hard evidence that allows conclusions vis-à-vis the aggregate characteristics of South African society. Although not necessarily politically correct, such conclusions are perfectly proper. With this in mind, a word about the titular tease. Cannibalism, attests Leonard Thompson, author of The Oxford History of South Africa, was widespread during the upheaval associated with rise of the Zulu Kingdom in the 1820s.13 These days, in northeastern Congo, two prominent militias, the Lendu and the Hema, delight in demonstrating to UN observers their culinary creativity with human hearts and livers.14 While cannibalism—motivated by aggression, ancestral reverence, or survival—has seldom been an athema in Africa, Into the Cannibal’s Pot is meant as a metaphor, and is inspired by Ayn Rand’s wise counsel against prostrating civilization to savagery:

In America, religion is relatively nonmystical. Religious teachers here are predominantly good, healthy materialists. They follow common sense. … The majority of religious people in this country do not accept on faith the idea of jumping into a cannibal’s pot and giving away their last shirt to the backward people of the world. Many religious leaders preach this today, because of their own leftist politics; it’s not inherent in being religious.15 [Emphasis added]

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11.  David Harrison, The White Tribe of Africa (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1981).

12.  Hermann Giliomee, “Liberal and Populist Democracy in South Africa: Challenges, New Threats to Liberalism,” p. 18, Presidential Address, Delivered in Johannesburg on February 15, 1996. p. 30.

13.  W. A. de Klerk, The Puritans in Africa (London, 1975), p. 35.

14.  Tim Taylor, “Unpalatable but true: cannibalism was routine,” Daily Telegraph [London], October 20, 2003.

15.  Robert Mayhew (ed.), Ayn Rand Answers: The Best of Her Q&A (New York, 2005).

Daniel Etounga-Manguelle, a Cameroonian thinker, and a former adviser to the World Bank, contends that “What Africans are doing to one another defies credulity. Genocide, bloody civil wars, and rampant violent crime suggest African societies at all social levels are to some extent cannibalistic.”16 Why? In part, because of the inveterate values held by so many Africans. These, and other causes—and excuses—are examined in Chapter Five, “The Root-Causes Racket.”

Based on the evidence presented in this book, both Ms. Rand and Mr. Etounga-Manguella would have agreed that South Africans had been tossed into the metaphorical cannibal’s pot. Washington and Westminster insisted that the country pass into the hands of a voracious majority. Unwise South African leaders acquiesced. Federalism was discounted. Minority rights for the Afrikaner, Anglo and Zulu were dismissed. Ironically, America’s founding fathers had attempted to forestall raw democracy by devising a republic. Yet under the wing of the American eagle a dispensation was negotiated in this writer’s former homeland, the consequence of which is the raw, ripe rule of the mob and its dominant, anointed party.

Since Into the Cannibal’s Pot stands for peaceful, progressive, and sustainable change, it will resonate with those who saw the folly of imposing majority rule on Iraq. Democratizing Mesopotamia has resulted in horrifying material destruction and lasting moral damage. Democratizing Azania has, similarly, made it abundantly clear that the franchise is not to be equated with freedom and that political rights do not safeguards natural rights. The cause and the consequence of the almost over-night, top-down transformation of South Africa is a society where might makes right.

In the interstices of this polemic, the reader will find my story and the story of those I love and had to leave behind. Above all, this tome is a labor of love to my homelands, old and new.

16 Lawrence E. Harrison and Samuel P. Huntington, Culture Matters: How Values Shape Human Progress (New York, 2000), p. 74.


Dedication … ii
Publisher’s Note … iii
Abbreviations Used … iv
Preface … v
Introduction: Rambo Nation … vii

1. Crime, the Beloved Country … 1
“Jackrolling” … 2
Adapt and Die … 3
“Apartheid Nostalgia” … 4
Crime Desegregated … 5
Suffer the Little Children … 6
Your Home: the ANC’s Castle … 7
Who’s Killing Whom … 8
     Sexual Subjugation … 9
     Only Filling Their Crime Quota … 10
     White Hot Hatred … 11
An Existential Crisis … 12

2. The Kulaks of South Africa vs. the Xhosa Nostra … 13
     The Lord Saved Her … 14
     “Kill the Fucking Whites” On Facebook … 15
The White Tribe of Africa … 16
     “I am an Afrikaner!” … 17
     “Methods of Barbarism” … 18
     Going For Gold … 19
     From Muldergate to Mandela … 20
Apartheid in Black and White … 21
     A Strategy for Survival … 22
     Up Close and Personal … 23
Land, Language and Landmarks Lost … 24
     Eminent Domain or Domination? … 25
     The Law of the Land ‘Indigenized’ … 26
     Killing God’s Creatures … 27
     Tot Siens (Farewell) To The Taal (The Language) … 28
Intra-Racial Reparations? … 29
Recompense or Reconquista? … 30

3. Dispossession Is Nine-Tenths of the Law … 31
Black Diamonds … 32
     Cops Call Robbers … To Chat … 33
Reverse Apartheid … 34
Affirmative Action À La America … 35
     What Would Martin Luther King Jr. Say? … 36
     Thou Shalt Not Discern … 37
     The UCLA Race Racket … 38
     To Hell with Honky … 39
     Civil Wrongs … 40
Toward a Merit-Based Society … 41

4. Mandela, Mbeki, and Mugabe Sitting In A Baobab Tree K-I-S-S-I-N-G … 42
One Man, One Vote, One Time … 43
The Che Guevara of Africa … 44
     Rebranding Socialism … 45
Saluting the Alpha Male … 46

5. The Root-Causes Racket … 47
The Colonialism Canard … 48
     Africa BC/AC (Before and After Colonialism) … 49
     From Bauer to Belich … 50
     Slavery: The White Man’s Cross … 51
      Aiding and Abetting Underdevelopment … 52
Culture Counts … 53
     Voodoo for Values … 54
How the Settlers Saved South Africa … 55
Desperately Seeking Bollywood’s Brangelina … 56
Free Will and the Will of the Free … 57

6. Why Do WASP Societies Wither? … 58
A Fighting Faith … 59
     Cross and Crescent Collide on the Dark Continent … 60
     The Hebraic Bond … 61
A House at Peace with Islam … 62
     PAGAD: A Populist Reign of Terror … 63
     COSATU: Carrying the Torch for “Durban I” … 64
     The “Running of the Jew” at Durban I & II … 65
The Pathos and Paradox of the Puritan … 66
     Reconciling Pietism with Power … 67
     Protestant Death Wish vs. Jewish Defiance … 68
Africa Cries Out for Christianity … 69

7. The Anglo-American-Australian Axis of Evil … 70
Betrayed … 71
Sidelined … 72
     Less-Than-Sexy Statistics … 73
Racial Voting Coming to a Polling Station Near You … 74
     “Democracy: The God That Failed” … 75
     Property Rights vs. Political Rights … 76
     Democracy and Prosperity … 77
     The Franchise: A Foolish Fetish on a Good Day … 78
Acorn with Machetes … 79
The Notional Afro-Saxon Nation … 80

8. Conclusion: Saving South Africans S.O.S. … 81
From Fellini-Style Consumption to Puritan-Worthy Production … 82
Emigration … 83
Secession … 84
The Most Precious Thing on Earth … 85

About the Author
Biographical Note from the Book

Ilana Mercer has been lauded by iconic author and psychiatrist Thomas Szasz as “dangerous … intelligent, informed, independent, courageous.” Historian, and New York Times bestseller-list author, Thomas Woods has called her “one of the few writers on earth whose talents I truly envy, adding that, in his opinion, “She should be a household name.” Joseph Farah (CEO of WND.com) has described her as “standing out like a beacon in a vast sea of punditry. She’s always hard to pigeonhole. She’s always witty and incisive.” Paul Gottfried (historian and author of such books as Conservatism in America) wrote: “Ilana takes on indelicate cultural, social, and political issues and challenges her opponents to rethink their positions.” The outspoken libertarian broadcaster Ron Smith of Maryland’s WBAL Radio has called her “a refreshingly original writer on the issues of our time.”

As the only writer to have defended NFL quarterback Michael Vick on the basis of libertarian (propertarian) principles—or so said Fox News TV commentator Sean Hannity—she was invited, in 2007, to debate the matter with Mr. Hannity, after which he commented:

Having read your columns throughout the years, I think I know you a little bit—I know you come from a very intellectual point of view, an intellectually honest point of view—you have given the most articulate argument I’ve heard on the other side of this [animal rights issue], one that is consistent with many of the views you have.

Ms. Mercer was born in South Africa—her father, Rabbi Abraham Benzion Isaacson, was a leading anti-apartheid activist eventually forced to leave the country—and spent her formative years in Israel. In the 1980s she returned to South Africa, where she married, had a daughter, and after completing her degrees, including a double major in psychology and Hebrew, worked as an AIDS counselor. In 1995, she and her family immigrated to British Columbia, Canada, before moving with her husband to America’s Pacific Northwest, which she calls home. Ms. Mercer left South Africa with the proceeds from the sale of her apartment stashed in the soles of her shoes. Had she been apprehended smuggling her property out of that country, she’d have been jailed together with her husband; they both stood taller on that trip. Ms. Mercer, who happens to know what living without freedom is like, has seen first hand the same oppression sneak-up on unsuspecting Americans. (For instance, the South-African model of detention-without-trial is slowly becoming a fixture of the American legal landscape.)

Her book Broad Sides: One Woman’s Clash with a Corrupt Culture (2003) was hailed by the late Aaron Russo (former libertarian presidential candidate) as the work of “a true warrior—a modern-day Joan of Arc—in the fight for freedom.” A Fellow at the Jerusalem Institute for Market Studies, and the Jeffersonian think-tank Free New York, Inc., she has appeared as a guest on scores of broadcast talk programs: including those of Sirius Satellite Radio’s Mike Church; of the late, legendary talk-show host George Putnam; and of the Australian Broadcasting Corporation. In addition to appearing on RT, the global Russian television news network, she was among the participants in the 2003 Public Network television series America At War, debating the media’s dereliction of duty during the invasion of Iraq.

Ms. Mercer is—and has been for the last decade—a featured columnist for WND.com (which, according to Web monitoring site Quantcast, had one million daily visitors as of September 2009). Other publications where her articles, essays, columns, editorials, book and film reviews have appeared are The American Spectator, The American Conservative, The Orange County Register, Insight On the News (an affiliate of The Washington Times), London’s Jewish Chronicle and Quarterly Review, The Ottawa Citizen, The Calgary Herald (for which she penned a regular weekly column),the two Canadian national newspapers, the Financial Post and the Globe and Mail, The Journal of Social, Political and Economic Studies, Free Life: a Journal of Classical Liberal and Libertarian Thought, and the Foundation for Economic Education’s Ideas on Liberty.

Ms. Mercer’s work has been cited by The New York Times, the Boston Globe, and Time’s European edition, among other prominent publications. She maintains a popular blog, where she comments on the issues of the day. In her role as proprietor of the libertarian Barely A Blog (BAB), she has attracted such contributors as Tibor Machan (Cato Institute adjunct scholar), George Reisman (emeritus economics professor at California’s Pepperdine University), and the aforementioned Thomas Szasz.

From the website of Ilana Mercer

Ilana Mercer

ILANA Mercer is a paleolibertarian writer and theorist based in the US. Her acclaimed, weekly column, begun in Canada, has been going strong since 1999. (Articles Archive.) Ilana is the author of The Trump Revolution: The Donald’s Creative Destruction Deconstructed (June 29, 2016), the first libertarian book of Trump, and of the seminal Into The Cannibal’s Pot: Lessons for America From Post-Apartheid South Africa (2011).

Ilana’s weekly column appears in The Unz Review, WND.COM, for which she has penned WND’s exclusive “Return to Reason” feature (now called “The Paleolibertarian”) since 2001, Townhall.com, American Greatness, Britain’s Ludwig von Mises Centre For Property and Freedom, London’s Quarterly Review, founded in 1809, and CNSNews.com.

She has also contributed to the Mises Institute’s Wire, as well as to its Power & Market Blog; to the Ron Paul Institute, the Abbeville Institute, The American Thinker, The Daily Caller, The Liberty Conservative, The Heartland Institute, The Hudson Institute, to Intellectual Takeout and to Chronicles, a magazine of American culture.

Under the handle “The Paleolibertarian Column” or “Paläolibertären Kolumne,” in the German, Ilana’s weekly column was featured respectively on Russia Today and in Junge Freiheit, a German weekly of excellence, for some years. Likewise did the column run on Taki’s Magazine. Formerly syndicated by Creators Syndicate, Ilana is a fellow at the Jerusalem Institute for Market Studies (an award-winning, independent, non-profit, free-market economic policy think tank).

Since the late 1990s, Ilana has written for The Financial Post, The Globe and Mail (Canada’s National Newspapers), The Vancouver Sun, The Report Newsmagazine, London’s Jewish Chronicle and Quarterly Review, The American Spectator, The American Conservative, The New Individualist and the Foundation for Economic Education. Her work has appeared in The Ottawa Citizen, The Orange County Register, The Colorado Gazette, and in other Freedom Communications, Inc. newspapers across the United States, including The Valley Morning Star, The East Valley Tribune, Jacksonville Daily News, Washington County News, Holmes County Register.

Ilana’s work has also been published in The Journal of Social, Political and Economic Studies, Free Life: a Journal of Classical Liberal and Libertarian Thought, the Foundation for Economic Education’s Ideas on Liberty and in Insight On the News (a former affiliate of The Washington Times), for which she has penned essays in symposia debating intellectual property.

Ilana has written weekly columns for the conservative Calgary Herald, Vancouver’s North Shore News. As was she an analyst and commentator for Free-Market News Network, founded by the late Harry Browne, one-time libertarian presidential candidate.

Ilana’s commentary has been mentioned in the European edition of Time (see “Trading Places” by Peter Gumbel, appeared in the print edition of March 28, 2005), cited in the Boston Globe (“The Downside of Diversity” by Michael Jonas, August 5, 2007); the New York Times’ Economix blog (“Are Federal Workers Overpaid?” by Prof. Nancy Folbre, October 13, 2009), and featured on web sites such as the Ludwig von Mises Institute, LewRockwell.com, The Hudson Institute, The Association of American Physicians and Surgeons, Laissez Faire City Times, Rational Review, Antiwar.com, Frontpage Magazine, and Jewcy.com, an acclaimed “online ideas-and-culture magazine.”

Ilana, who supported Ron Paul for president in 2008 and 2012, was asked by the Paul campaign for a written endorsement. Here it is:

“Ron Paul stands alone among the presidential contenders for a solvent, sovereign America—he has the will to stop the squandering of men and matériel in Iraq and the intellectual wherewithal to salvage an ailing currency, fortify forsaken borders, and restore individual liberties.”

John Derbyshire, formerly of National Review Online, called Ilana’s case for the Texas Republican “Pauline Gospel at its best”:

The most persuasive Paul booster remains the ravishing, brilliant, and eloquent Ilana Mercer. I don’t say you’ll agree with her, only that this is the Pauline Gospel at its best. If you won’t buy it from Ilana, you won’t buy it from anyone.”

Ilana is the founder, editor, and creative force behind IlanaMercer.com. This aesthetically pleasing thematic website, on which ilana’s essays are archived conveniently, reflects her vision, transformed into pixels. She is also the proprietor of the weblog Barely a Blog (BAB), to which prominent thinkers such as Tibor Machan (RIP), George Reisman, and the late Thomas Szasz have contributed. (Mercer contributed a dust-jacket blurb to Professor Szasz’s book, Coercion As Cure.)

Ilana has been a guest recently (May 1, 2021) on Michelle Malkin’s “Sovereign Nation,” on Newsmax TV (“it’s systemic anti-whiteness”), ABC Radio (the Australian Broadcasting Corporation), and on radio stations across America. These include “Talk Back,” the nationally syndicated show of the late, legendary George Putnam, The Mike Church Show (aka the “King Dude”) on the Sirius Patriot Channel, and Sean Hannity’s nationally syndicated radio show, on which she appeared, regrettably, to defend NFL quarterback Michael Vick (honest thinkers admit to mistakes). About Ilana’s work, Mr. Hannity said this:

Having read your columns throughout the years, I think I know you a little bit—I know you come from a very intellectual point of view, an intellectually honest point of view—you have given the most articulate argument I’ve heard [‘In Defense of Michael Vick’‘] on the other side of this, one that is consistent with many of the views you have. (August 17, 2007)

As has Ilana appeared on Russia Today (RT), most recently to mine the legacy of Mandela, and on the Public Network’s television series, “America at War” (#434), where, in 2003, she debated the media’s dereliction of duty during the invasion of Iraq. Her analysis of Martha Stewart’s legal travails, “Convicted for Fearing Conviction,” was voted among the best Mises.org articles of 2004. In the same year, she received the “Ron Paul Liberty in Media Awards (LIMA)” for the essay “Wartime Socialism.”

Ilana was born in South Africa, which her father, Rabbi Ben Isaacson, decided to leave pursuant to harassment by the South African security police on account of his anti-apartheid preaching and activism. (Ilana herself, on return, decades later, fought petty apartheid tirelessly.) The family departed in the 1960s for Israel, where Ilana spent her formative years. She returned to South-Africa in the 1980s, married and had a daughter. The family emigrated to Canada in 1995, and then went on to settle in the US.

Described as an engaging, iconoclastic polemicist by National Post editorial writer Lorne Gunter, Ilana typically marshals powerful analytical argumentation in support of her case. “All I can tell you is that you can’t win an argument with this woman. I’ve tried and failed,” said Victor Niederhoffer, Ph.D., in May of 2012. Dr. Niederhoffer is a noted stock-market investor, a former business partner to George Soros, and founder of the New York City Junto liberty forum.

In a review titled “The Passion of Principles,” the Objectivist magazine The Free Radical called Ilana’s first book, Broad Sides: One Woman’s Clash With a Corrupt Culture, “a perfect mix of reason and rhetoric.” (Here are part 2 & part 3 of the review.) The late great Ron Smith of WBAL Radio, Maryland, had described her as “a refreshingly original writer on the issues of our time.” Others have praised Ilana as a particularly strong stylist, with “no less powerful an intellectual punch as Ayn Rand, only wickedly funny.” (Citations are here and here).

Ilana’s latest book is The Trump Revolution: The Donald’s Creative Destruction Deconstructed (June 29, 2016). It was the first serious analysis of the Trump phenom, and certainly the first libertarian book of Trump. Released in June of 2011, her second book is Into the Cannibal’s Pot: Lessons for America from post-Apartheid South Africa. Into the Cannibal’s Pot is a polemical work anchored in history, reality, fact, and the political philosophy of classical liberalism. It is a manifesto against mass society, arguing against raw, ripe democracy, here (in the US), there (in South Africa), and everywhere. “Into the Cannibal’s Pot” follows Russell Kirk’s contention that “true freedom can be found only within the framework of a social order.” It is intended as a reminder that, however imperfect, civilized societies are fragile. They can, and will, crumble in culturally inhospitable climes. The tyranny of political correctness, so unique to the West—plays a role in their near-collapse. Advanced societies don’t just die; they either wither from within, or, like South Africa, are finished off by other western societies.

All is not grim. Ilana does pause to turn the arrows in her epistolary quiver away from the state—the Thing the inimical Sir Humphrey Applebee of the British satire “Yes, Prime Minister” called a disorganized criminal organization. She covers popular culture, mainstream media, Hollywood, and pseudo-science. From sex to music, it’s all here, minus the unpalatable pabulum served by the mummified media.

When she is not expatiating upon the issues of the day, Ilana enjoys running outdoors. She has been a long-distance, recreational runner since the mid 1990s. Parrots are another passion—in particular, the plight of psittacines in captivity and in the wild. Ilana supports parrot rescues in the community. So too is the cause of the near-extinct Cape Parrot (Poicephalus robustus) close to her heart. Ilana is owned by an adorable hookbill called Oscar-Wood (Poicephalus fuscicollis).

Then there is Music. Chamber music and Bach—any Bach—are her first loves, but she finds the hard core, intricate and masterful brilliance of progressive rock outfits like Symphony X, Dream Theater, Magnitude Nine, and Kamelot (sic) as alluring, to say nothing of neoclassical wizards such as Sean Mercer and Tony MacAlpine.

For a fun quiz conducted with Ilana read “The Third Degree à la Germany: Answering To Junge Freiheit” (November 11, 2016).


(Click to expand – click again to close)


Via Wikipedia's "The environment and climate change" segment:

"Mercer is not what is known pejoratively as a 'climate denier,' and considers herself a conservative environmentalist. Or, as she put it in a May 22, 2017 post, a "reincarnated Southern agrarian.' [69] Nevertheless, she had observed, in 2006, that the problem with 'the theory of global warming is that it’s unfalsifiable. The theory cannot be falsified or tested and is, therefore, irrefutable. Evidence that contradicts the global warming theory, climate Chicken Littles enlist as evidence for the correctness of their theory; every permutation in weather patterns—warm or cold—is said to be a consequence of that warming or proof of it.'[70]

Referencing Karl Popper, Mercer further noted that, 'A theory which is not refutable by any conceivable event is non-scientific.'[71] However, Mercer qualified her 2008 observations in 2014, by saying that, 'This is not to say that man is not destructive to the environment, or that we should not cherish and take care of nature. We certainly should by understanding that government is not a panacea for the problem.'[72]

'The root of environmental despoliation is the tragedy of the commons,' claims Mercer. In 'the absence of private ownership in the means of production, government-controlled resources go to seed. There is simply no one with strong enough a stake in the landmass or waterway to police it before disaster strikes.' Mercer advocates 'private property rights in waterways, or riparian rights in water that abuts private property—these are the best protectors of the ocean and of other state-controlled expanses of water [and land]."[73]


Affirmative action, the equal representation of women everywhere (including in sports), progressive teaching paradigms emphasizing group think; the banishing of competition (for which boys are hardwired) and moral instruction (which they generally crave); the demonization of the greatest writers, scientists, and explorers because they were men, the chemical castration of boys via Ritalin, the banning of BB guns and ‘bang-bang you’re dead,’ and the ‘Girls Gone Wild’ of North America”—Ilana credits the woman’s movement for all of these.

She has also pondered whether the discovery of late that testosterone levels in men are falling might be linked to “the feminization of society over the past 20 to 30 years.” As she puts it, “Feminists once aimed to unseat men, now they are actively engaged in queering them.” Ilana observes that “the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis is a delicate homeostatic feedback system, intricately involved in regulating hormones and stress.” She then wonders out loud whether “it [has] become the axis of evil in the war on men.” Indeed, the feminization of society, brought about just as well by “Y chromosome carriers,” is a theme Ilana frequently returns to: “CNN’s Anderson Cooper is a major culprit in changing the face of news. Forehead furrowed into a perpetual I-feel-your-pain frown, Cooper’s broadcasts are an interminable kvetch that elevates feelings above facts.”

The Silly Sex?” is how Ilana, controversially, titled an essay explaining “women’s relatively scant accomplishments in the second half of the 20th century, as quantified objectively by Charles Murray.”


Ilana opposes mass immigration. “Immigration policy by definition,” she notes, “amounts to top-down, statist, central planning. But the least invasive policy is one that respects a nation’s historical and cultural complexion and the property rights of its taxpayers.”

To Ilana, unfettered immigration and the interventionist state cannot coexist. "The reality is that the American welfare state is accreting, not shrinking," she writes. The reality is that the more libertarians support the importation of impoverished minorities, with a tradition of aggressively manipulating the political apparatus to obtain property not theirs—the more intractable the welfare state will become. How better to diminish property rights and accelerate wealth distribution and, with it, the death of the republic, than to add to the 'union' each year the equivalent of a New Jersey, powered by identity-politics, and peopled predominantly by tax consumers seeking to indenture taxpayers? She further observes that, “It’s especially absurd for libertarians to assert that the multitudes streaming across the Southwestern border at a rate of one immigrant every 30 or so seconds are here with the consent of American private property owners, simply because many find employment once in the US.”

As Ilana sees it, “the sole emphasis of late on border security has helped open-border advocates immeasurably”—leading to a consensus whereby “the security risk newcomers pose is the only permissible topic for conversation. Americans will thus never be allowed to assert their right to determine the nature of the country they live in and, by extension, the kind of immigrants they welcome,” she avers. Indeed, to Ilana, the debate over immigration is meaningless without reference to “borders and to the thing they bound—a nation, to wit, the voluntary bonds that unite members of a civil society in common purpose.” She accuses George W. Bush of being oblivious to this glue, and sums up the President’s “borderless” worldview as one that “Invites an invasion by foreigners and instigates one against them.” These “are two sides of the same neoconservative coin," she quips.

Ilana is in favor of a barrier along the U.S.-Mexico border: “If you really want to see an immigration liberationist rise on his hind legs,” she taunts, mention such a fence. “Hysterical yelps of ‘tear down this wall’ will ensue. Irrational minds have transformed a defensive wall à la the Emperor Hadrian’s, intended to keep the ‘barbarians’ out, into the Iron Curtain or the Berlin Wall, constructed to keep people in.”


Ilana has opposed the invasion of Iraq from the get-go. Norman Singleton, aid to the Republican Congressman Ron Paul, has said this about Ilana’s “Classical Liberalism and State Schemes”:

"Ilana Mercer presents one of the best refutations of liberventionism I have read. Mercer demonstrates how support for global crusades for ‘human rights’ are fundamentally incompatible with a belief in small government, individual rights and a skepticism about state power. Particularly good is Mercer’s argument that war is a giant redistribution program.”

Indeed, “at bottom, ‘philanthropic’ wars and nation-building are transfer programs—the quintessential big-government projects,” Ilana expatiates:

"Smart and principled conservatives understand, moreover, that top-down central planning—economic or political—is always doomed to fail. The inverted, perverse incentive structure that invariably characterizes such endeavors guarantees failure. To wit, as a government project, the multi-billion enterprise in Iraq is bankrolled indefinitely by taxpayers and shielded in perpetuity from bankruptcy. Wrongdoing and incompetence in government are rarely punished, but are, rather, rewarded with budgetary increases. Government departments and fiefdoms accrete through inefficiency. Failure translates into ever-growing budgets, powers and perks—for the top dogs, not for the grunts on the ground.

In the ramp-up to war, Ilana argued that in “mere months” the Bush administration managed to “break down and even invert certain civilizing precepts, which only a short while ago united” Americans. As is evident from her many essays on the topic, she was referring to a respect for the natural law and the prohibition against unprovoked aggression, the Constitution (it prohibits the President from declaring war), Just War Theory, and what “the Founding Fathers provided.” To wit, “a limited, constitutional republican government, by definition, doesn't, cannot, and must never pursue what Bush is after, … a sort of ‘21st-century Manifest Destiny.’"

Ilana has responded to what she terms the “creativepost-hocarguments… made to justify the unnecessary war, waged on a sovereign nation that had not attacked us, was no threat to us and was certainly no match for us,” first with facts. She has pointed out repeatedly that, “there were many experts—credible ones—who absolutely rejected the contention that there were WMD in Iraq. They were as numerous as the loud voices who promoted this lie. However, the media shut us out.” Next, Ilana has galvanized analytical arguments to dispel falsities about the invasion: “To say that Saddam may have had WMD is quite different from advocating war based on those assumptions,” she reasons. “It’s one thing to assume in error; it’s quite another to launch a war in which thousands would die based on mere assumptions, however widely shared.”

Ilana rejects accusations of pacifism leveled at her: “I supported going after al-Qaida in Afghanistan,” she ventures. “That was a legitimate act of retaliation and defense, accommodated within St. Augustine's teachings, whereby a just war is one ‘that avenges wrongs, when a nation or state has to be punished, for refusing to make amends for the wrongs inflicted by its subjects.’”

Finally, Ilana characterizes the stay-the-course prescription as tantamount to “persisting in what is impossible to accomplish. Faction fighting in Iraq is as old as the sand dunes, and tyrants as ubiquitous as the Tigris,” she states, adding that, “Hussein’s reign was one of the more peaceful periods in the history of this fractious people. What a shame it’s too late to dust Saddam off, give him a sponge bath, and beg him to restore law and order to Iraq.”


Ilana, who grew up in the Middle-East, rejects the “religion of peace” appellation. “Our adventurous foreign policy might be a necessary precondition for Muslim aggression but it is far from a sufficient one,” she argues. The reason why “Muslims today are at the center of practically every conflict in the world—and were slaughtering innocent, pacifist Jews in Israel well before the Jewish state was a figment in the fertile mind of Theodor Herzl”—can be found in the Qur’an, she states.

“The Muslim holy book,” moreover, “doesn’t brook interpretation or reformation, because, as the Islamic tradition has it, the Qur’an is not Mohammed's word; it is God’s eternal word, seen as something sent from Heaven, never to be adapted or altered,” Ilana explains.

“The Qur’an counsels conquest, not coexistence, especially in its later edicts, which override the earlier ones,” she observes. In an essay for The New Individualist, Ilana concludes that, if anything, “Osama bin Laden has heeded, not hijacked, Islam.” In the same piece she also argues that “[t]he Quran’s ruthless particularism runs counter to the universal concepts of justice and love of the Hebrew and Christian bibles.”

Naïve Westerners, who’ve been raised to believe The Other is just like them, don’t understand Islam and its adherents. Or, for that matter, the meaning of “Taqiyya—the seldom-discussed Islamic practice of lying to non-Muslims in order to win political battles and protect Islam.” As Ilana demonstrates, media “malpractitioners” uphold “this Scheherazade-worthy charade.”


As both a libertarian and a Zionist (a position for which she has been attacked), Ilana argues that Israel does itself no favors by conflating America's unlimited worldwide war on Islamic terror with its own narrowly delimited and legitimate battle for survival, conducted since that country’s inception.

The Palestinian Authority, she notes, has established itself as an anarcho-terrorist territory.Left-liberal, root-causes thinking blames the thriving society (Israel) for the dysfunctions of the “savage” one adjacent to it (PA). But asIlanaputs it, “human action is the ultimate adjudicator of moral worth;societies are only as good as the individuals they comprise.” No amount of words, maintains Ilana, is going to change that Palestinians don’t live under the rule of enlightened Western law, don’t have a free and ferociously critical media or liberal courts, canonize suicide murderers, sanction the ‘honor killings’ of women and their subjugation, and are more likely to approve when their coreligionists strap on belts of nails and dynamite and blow up innocents.”

By making concessions to such an entity, Ilana argues, Israeli leaders have abandoned the national interest and their obligation to ensure the nation endures.

Conversely, Ilana strongly condemned Israel’s recent “leveling of Lebanon” and the “collective punishment of innocents” during that operation. She advised, instead, that Israel “consider stationing on the borders the best of its special-operations units … trained in precision, deep-penetration operations.”

Ilana categorically opposes foreign aid handouts to Israel. Israel ought to stop sacrificing its sovereignty and cease being a US satellite state. Independence, she observes, means cutting the Gordian Knot once and for all.


Via Everypedia:

Mercer has argued that “Inviting an invasion by foreigners and instigating one against them are two sides of the same neoconservative coin;” traditionalist Lawrence Auster noted that this concept was “first articulated by Ilana Mercer and then turned into a neat slogan by Steve Sailer.”

Indeed, on January 16, 2004, Mercer's “Return To Reason” cyber column encapsulated the scheme as, “Inviting an invasion by foreigners and instigating one against them.”

Later, on January 25, 2004, Steve Sailer, “turned [that idea] into a neat slogan,” naming the policy, artfully, as “invade the world/invite the world.” This radical strategy permanently destabilizes the homeland and the world and gives western governments all the power, everywhere.


Mercer views neoconservatives as having corrupted the constitutionally-prescribed use of the American military, employing it as a force “to patrol the borders of Kosovo, Korea, and Kurdistan” while “our own borders remain perilously porous.” These “conservative poseurs,” she notes, seek to remake America into “a disparate people, forced together by an abstract, highly manipulable, coercive, state-sanctioned ideology,” in effect, a “propositional nation” that overrides the traditional nation in which Americans shared language, customs, faith, and culture. Mercer states that an aversion to the concept of nationhood arises from “an inability to distinguish the nation from the State,” the common values, culture, and traditions of the former having once been conducive to liberty in the U. S..“The real individualist,” she adds, “ knows who he is and whence he came.”


“Patriotism,” writes Ilana, “is a very modest thing. Here’s what it’s not: it’s not an allegiance to the government of the day, or to its invariably un-American policies. It’s an affinity for your community; it’s an understanding of the great principles upon which this country was founded—which have been excised by successive governments, Republican and Democratic alike. And it’s a commitment to restoring the republic of private-property rights, individual freedoms, and radical decentralization.”

The Therapeutic Society

In her book, Broad Sides , Ilana underscores that “a free society cannot function unless its members assume or are made to assume full responsibility for their actions.” Indeed, an abiding theme in her work is individual free-will and the exploration of causality and culpability vis-à-vis crime, misconduct, and immorality. In particular, Ilana opposes and exposes the "medicalization of misbehavior.""In the progressive’s universe, evil actions don’t incriminate, they mitigate."The pop “experts,” she says, “work to place bad behavior beyond the strictures of traditional morality, making it amenable to ‘therapeutic’ interventions. The Drew Pinskys of the worldconjure so-called mental diseases either to control contrarians or to exculpate criminals.”

In “Mel’s Malady; Foxman’s Fetish,” Ilana writes this, with reference to Gibson’s alcoholism:

"The Delphic oracles of the disease theory of delinquency (the ‘experts’) have slapped all manner of misconduct with diagnostic labels. At the root of this diseasing of behavior is the eradication of good and bad. Placing bad behavior beyond the strictures of traditional morality, moreover, makes it amenable to external, ‘therapeutic’ or state interventions.

Liberals first, and conservatives in short succession, have taken to the idiom of disease like ducks to water. Left and right now insist, based on wispy pseudoscience, that just about every human excess is an illness as organic as cancer or diabetes.

A teacher who seduces her underage pupil has to be ‘sick,’ or else she’d not have indulged her fantasies. The same post hoc illogic is applied to the morbidly obese: if you overeat, you’re diseased!

Are you a dad who dotes on his kids when they are around, but fails to mail them child support money when they return to mom? There’s a Harvard professor by the name of Dr. John Ratey who’ll cheerily diagnose you with ‘Environmental Dependency Disorder’: you remember your kids only when they are present.

And so it goes: the arsonist has ‘pyromania,’ the thief is inflicted with ‘kleptomania,’ and Bill Clinton was not promiscuous, but a ‘sex-addict.'

No Szaszian thinker will miss the thread that holds “Rah-Rah for Rioters” together:

"Whether the mediacrats are applying their cerebral sinew to individual or group-orchestrated crime; to psychological or sociological ‘causal factors,’ bad deeds are invariably caused—never committed. And they are caused by factors outside the perpetrators. …

And this from “Coddling Killers”:

Root causes are the rationalizations liberals give—usually after the fact—for their immoral actions or for the immoral actions of others. The paradox at the heart of the root-causes fraud is that causal theoretical explanations are invoked only after bad deeds have been committed. Good deeds have no need of mitigating circumstances.

The Deep State

Via Wikipedia's "Managerial State" entry:

"Ilana Mercer has connected the concept of the 'Managerial State' to that of the 'Deep State,' bandied about in the Trump era. The Deep State Mercer speaks of as,

... the intractable, permanent state—the bureaucracy, or the unseen, unelected Juggernaut that reflexively maintains the status quo in government departments … those extra-constitutional processes and forces that make voter-supported change near impossible.[11]

On the Left, observed Mercer, the Public Broadcasting Service's Bill Moyers had spoken about the concept 'Deep State' in 2014. On the right, James Burnham wrote about the 'Deep State' in 1941, except, says Mercer, Burnham called it the 'Managerial State.'"

© 2011 Ilana Mercer

All Rights Reserved

This book is sold subject to the condition that it shall not, by way of trade or otherwise, be lent, resold, hired out or otherwise circulated without the publisher’s prior consent in any form of binding or cover other than that in which it is published and without a similar condition including this condition being imposed on the subsequent purchaser.

The moral right of the author is asserted

Visit Ilana online: www.ilanamercer.com

Library of Congress Cataloguing-in-Publication data
Mercer, Ilana
Into the Cannibal’s Pot: Lessons For America From Post-Apartheid South Africa/by Ilana Mercer, 1st ed.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. United States – Diplomatic history - Foreign and general relations.
2. Social Sciences – Social pathology - criminology.
3. Law – Natural law – property.
Library of Congress Control Number: 2011930725

Cover Design by Guy Corp,

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 Technocracy Rising:The Trojan Horse of Global Transformation 
Technocracy Rising:
The Trojan Horse of Global Transformation
The dark horse of the New World Order is not Communism, Socialism or Fascism. It is Technocracy.


With meticulous detail and an abundance of original research, Patrick M. Wood uses Technocracy Rising to connect the dots of modern globalization in a way that has never been seen before so that the reader can clearly understand the globalization plan, its perpetrators and its intended endgame.

In the heat of the Great Depression during the 1930s, prominent scientists and engineers proposed a utopian energy-based economic system called Technocracy that would be run by those same scientists and engineers instead of elected politicians. Although this radical movement lost momentum by 1940, it regained status when it was conceptually adopted by the elitist Trilateral Commission (co-founded by Zbigniew Brzezinski and David Rockefeller) in 1973 to be become its so-called "New International Economic Order."

In the ensuing 41 years, the modern expression of Technocracy and the New International Economic Order is clearly seen in global programs such as Agenda 21, Sustainable Development, Green Economy, Councils of Governments, Smart Growth, Smart Grid, Total Awareness surveillance initiatives and more.

Wood contends that the only logical outcome of Technocracy is Scientific Dictatorship, as already seen in dystopian literature such as Brave New World by Aldous Huxley (1932) and Nineteen Eighty-Four by George Orwell (1948), both of whom looked straight into the face of Technocracy when it was still in its infancy.

With over 250 footnotes, an extensive bibliography and clarity of writing style, Wood challenges the reader to new levels of insight and understanding into the clear and present danger of Technocracy, and how Americans might be able to reject it once again.


This book is dedicated to my two daughters, Debra and Jennifer, and my two sons, Joshua and Benjamin, and their children, who may have to live with the consequences of the Brave New World of Technocracy, should this present generation fail to reject it.


The dark horse of the New World Order is not Communism, Socialism or Fascism: It is Technocracy.1

I don’t know anyone who follows the news who doesn’t say that the world seems to be crumbling before his eyes. The American dynasty has seemingly hit a brick wall in every conceivable direction. Wealth is shrinking, record numbers are on welfare, our political structures are dysfunctional, regulations are suffocating the economy, personal privacy has been shattered, foreign policy disasters are everywhere, racial conflict is the highest in decades and on and on.

Don’t think that these changes are merely some strange twist of fate or that they are somehow all unrelated. They are not!

In fact, the world is being actively transformed according to a very narrow economical/political/social philosophy called Technocracy, and it is impacting every segment of society in every corner of the world. Furthermore, Technocracy is being sponsored and orchestrated by a global elite led by David Rockefeller’s and Zbigniew Brzezinski’s Trilateral Commission. Let the evidence speak for itself. [Note: Trilateral Commission member names are in bold type.]

Originally started in the early 1930s, Technocracy is antithetical to every American institution that made us into the greatest nation on earth. It eschews property rights, obsoletes capitalism, hates politicians and traditional political structures, and promises a lofty utopian dream made possible only if engineers, scientists and technicians are allowed to run society. When Aldous Huxley penned Brave New World in 1932, he accurately foresaw this wrenching transformation of society and predicted that the end of it would be a scientific dictatorship unlike anything the world has ever seen.

Indeed, Technocracy is transforming economics, government, religion and law. It rules by regulation, not by Rule of Law, policies are dreamed up by unelected and unaccountable technocrats buried in government agencies, and regional governance structures are replacing sovereign entities like cities, counties and states. This is precisely why our society seems so dislocated and irreparable.

Still say you’ve never heard of Technocracy? Well, you probably have but under different names. The tentacles of Technocracy include programs such as Sustainable Development, Green Economy, Global Warming/Climate Change, Cap and Trade, Agenda 21, Common Core State Standards, Conservation Easements, Public-Private Partnerships, Smart Growth, Land Use, energy Smart Grid, de-urbanization and de-population. In America, the power grab of Technocracy is seen in the castrating of the Legislative Branch by the Executive Branch, replacing laws and lawmakers with Reflexive Law and regulators, and establishing regional Councils of Governments in every state to usurp sovereignty from cities, counties and states.

Technocracy Rising: The Trojan Horse of Global Transformation connects the dots in ways you have never seen before, taking you on a historical journey that leads right up to the current day. It will show you how this coup de grâce is taking place right under our noses and what we might do to stop it.

When Americans saw through Technocracy in the 1930s, they forcefully rejected it and the people who promoted it. If Americans are able to recognize this modern-day Trojan horse, they can reject it again. Indeed, they must!

Patrick M. Wood Author

1 Patrick M. Wood, “Technocracy’s Endgame: Global Smart Grid”, August Forecast & Review, 2011.


This book would not exist without the encouragement and knowledge of a number of people. Special thanks is given to Dr. Martin Erdmann for his patient instruction and diverse knowledge on these topics; to Carl Teichrib, who co-labored with me in much of the early research needed for this book; to Michael Shaw for his detailed and knowledgeable input on Agenda 21 and Sustainable Development; to the University of Alberta (Canada) for generously granting access to me to study their extremely valuable historical library archives on Technocracy, Inc.

Special thanks is also given to those who actually turned this into a book: to my loving wife, Charmagne, who encouraged me every step of the way and whose sharp eye turned up literally hundreds of editing issues; to Gail Hardaway, whose teaching career in English greatly helped in the editing and proofing process; to Spencer Fettig for her youthful and critical proof-reading skills and suggestions that definitely brought more clarity to many passages; and to all my friends at RevelationGate Ministries who encouraged and donated to this project. Above all, I give credit and thanks to the God of the universe who put this information in front of me and then opened my eyes to understand what I was actually looking at, without which I would most certainly still be wandering the halls of intellectual ignorance.


That which has been is what will be,
That which is done is what will be done,
And there is nothing new under the sun.
Is there anything of which it may be said,
“See, this is new?” It has already been in
Ancient times before us. (Ecclesiastes 1:9-10)

Modern Technocracy and Transhumanism are both products of the notion that science and technology can somehow fulfill the utopian dream of perfecting society in general and humanness in particular. Furthermore, the rapid advancement of science and technology is leading its practitioners to believe more strongly than ever that final and total deliverance from their unenlightened past is but a hairsbreadth away. They see wars being eliminated, poverty being eradicated and society living in perfect harmony thanks to their careful scientific management. However, as you shall see, the desire to reform society and humanity is hardly new but is deeply rooted in both history and in religious substitution; in history, because there are many examples of an elite using their control over some form of technology to subjugate others; in religious substitution, because traditional faith in God as the sole provider of redemption and transcendence has been replaced by a reliance on science and technology to provide the same benefits.

The religious foundations for technological advancement have been either ignored or hidden away from the view of most Westerners during most of the past two centuries. As long as modernity’s Positivism – the principal philosophy of what would later undergird the technocratic worldview – held sway over the minds of its adherents, the conscious recognition of a reality other than what naturalism offered could be denied. Postmodernity’s recognition of the futility to wilfully suppress the knowledge of technology’s religious aspects has not necessarily generated a more realistic view of its advantages and limitations in the world of physical reality. Quite the contrary, the present-day acolytes of technology who serve in the corporate and academic temples of research and development are even more committed than their forbearers to achieve the impossible: perfection in each and every aspect of human existence. The ideals of Utopia have never been more widely hailed as the foundation stones of modern living than by the proponents of a communitarian and technocratic world society.

It should be noted that while the lure of technology appeals to the would-be captains of global hegemony, it also appeals to the lowest echelons of humanity as well. For instance, the philosopher Michael Heim wrote once, “Our fascination with computers… is more deeply spiritual than utilitarian. When on-line, we break free from bodily existence.” We then emulate the “perspective of God”, an all-at-oneness of “divine knowledge”. Once again, technology is being promoted as a means to transcendence and redemption. For some, this is a non-traditional religious transcendence of the body and material limitations in the ephemeral, ineffable realm known as “cyberspace”. For others, it is a spiritual quest to transcend our limitations and reacquire personal divinity. On a larger scale, the developers of nuclear weapons, space exploration and artificial intelligence, for instance, may be propelled by religious desires, but they are sustained by military financing and the results of their labours are totalitarian governments ruled by an elite of technocrats.

The reader is urged to make careful study of this book and its primary message, that in the name of science and scientism, technocracy is on the rise world-wide, that it is an age-old deception of the greatest magnitude, that it is not what it appears to be and that it cannot make good delivery on its fantastical promises.

Dr. Martin Erdmann, Director, Verax Institut


Technocracy is the science of social engineering, the scientific operation of the entire social mechanism to produce and distribute goods and services to the entire population…2

Let me be clear about the intent and scope of this book. My premise is that when it was founded in 1973, the Trilateral Commission quietly adopted a modified version of historic Technocracy to craft what it called a “New International Economic Order”. This has been largely unrecognized even to this day. With the combined weight of the most powerful global elite behind it, Technocracy has flourished in the modern world and has perhaps reached the tipping point of no return. This book will explain Technocracy in detail, demonstrate the methodology that has been used to implement it, document the control over power centers that allowed the methodology to be used, and most importantly, expose the perpetrators who are responsible for it. If the reader does not see the importance of these connections, then neither will he see the economic and political dangers in such things like Sustainable Development, Agenda 21, Public-Private Partnerships, Smart Growth, Green Economy, Smart Grid, Common Core State Standards, Councils of Governments, etc. The creation of all of these programs will be laid at the feet of the Trilateral Commission, in the name of Technocracy. Indeed, the Trilateral Commission and its members were simultaneously the philosophical creators of modern Technocracy as well as the implementers as they occupied key positions in governments, business and academia since 1973.

I can already hear the Trilaterals and Technocrats howling in protest after reading just this first paragraph. “Not so!”, “Foolishness!”, “Lunacy!” I’ve heard this lame defense for almost 40 years. One of the first lessons learned about liars in my early days, when the Cold War was in full play - and the Soviets were also consummate liars - was to “Watch what they do, not what they say.” So, to all you elitists who might perchance be reading this book, you stand naked before the evidence.

To the rest of the inquiring world, you may not like what you discover here, but if you follow along to the end, you will see all the dots finally connected in a way that makes perfect sense.

The term technocracy was first used publicly by W.H. Smythe in his 1919 article, “Industrial Management”. During that time in history, academics and professionals were fervently debating various aspects of the industrial and technological revolutions and their impact on society, economy and government structures.

The word itself is derived from the Greek words “techne”, meaning skilled and “kratos”, meaning rule. Thus, it is government by skilled engineers, scientists and technicians as opposed to elected officials. Technocracy was generally considered to be exclusive of all other forms of government, including democracy, communism, socialism and fascism, but as we shall see, there was some ideological blending of ideas when it suited the person or group doing the talking.

In any case, whenever you hear the word Technocracy, this minimum definition will always apply. As the movement progressed and ideas were expanded, some of those additional ideas were branded backward into the original definition as modifying clauses, but they only added to the original meaning without necessarily changing it.

My interest in globalism and the activities of the global elite started in 1976 when I was a young financial writer and securities analyst. I later teamed up with Antony C. Sutton to study and write about the Trilateral Commission, its policies and members, and their plans for global hegemony. Sutton taught me how to “Follow the money. Follow the power.” which has proven to be an invaluable aid in getting to the heart of a matter. Although I would like to write a follow-up book to our Trilaterals Over Washington, Volumes I and II, the subject of Technocracy now trumps all others. If there is a holy grail (or, unholy grail) of understanding on the New World Order, this is it.

2 “What Is Technocracy?”, The Technocrat, Vol. 3, No. 4, 1938.

In a nutshell, historic Technocracy is a utopian economic system that discards price-based economics in favor of energy or resource-based economics. Technocracy is so radically different from all current economic norms that it will stretch your mind to get a grasp of what it actually means and what it implies for a global society.

However, in order to properly integrate Technocracy into the total picture, I will briefly address some other important and related topics along the way, such as Scientism, Transhumanism and Scientific Dictatorship. That these are not dealt with in full at present is not to diminish their importance in any way; perhaps follow-up works will allow for a more detailed and complete treatment of those topics.

In the 1930s, there was a popular movement called Technocracy that spawned a large and zealous following of hundreds of thousands of members in the United States and Canada. Sadly, history books reveal little about this movement, and so my study of it required a significant amount of time-consuming original research at significant personal expense. As I dug deeply into historical archives and old media, I was increasingly shocked by the impact that Technocracy had then and is having on the world today.

There have been many small crackpot movements throughout history to which we might say, “Who cares?” When a hundred people get together to talk about UFOs, utopian philosophy or whatever, it’s just a hundred people getting together. If nothing comes of it, all the folks eventually pass and history forgets that they were ever alive. This is not so with Technocracy for many reasons:

  • By the 1930s there was at least a 100 year backdrop of philosophical justification for Scientism and Technocracy.
  • The organizers were top tier engineers and scientists of their day, many of whom were professors at prestigious universities such as Columbia University.
  • Their plans were meticulously detailed, documented and openly published.
  • The impact of their policies and philosophy on the modern global society is gargantuan.

Technocracy is about economic and social control of society and persons according to the Scientific Method. Most of us think about the so-called scientific method when we think back on the carefully crafted experiments in high school chemistry or biology class. That is not what I’m talking about here. Technocracy’s Scientific Method dates back mostly to philosophers Henri de Saint-Simon (1760-1825) and Auguste Comte (1798-1857).

According to the global-minded New School,

Henri de Saint-Simon is renowned as the founder of the “Saint-Simonian” movement, a type of semi-mystical “Christian-Scientific” socialism that pervaded the 19th Century.  Saint-Simon envisaged the reorganization of society with an elite of philosophers, engineers and scientists leading a peaceful process of industrialization tamed by their “rational” Christian-Humanism. His advocacy of a “New Christianity” – a secular humanist religion to replace the defunct traditional religions – was to have scientists as priests. This priestly task was actually taken up by two of his followers – Barthelemy-Prosper Enfantin (1796-1864) and Saint-Amand Bazard (1791-1832) – who infected the whole movement with their bizarre mysticism and ritual.3

Saint-Simon, along with Comte, is considered a father of so-called “social science” studies in universities world-wide. He was the first philosopher to bring psychology, physiology, physics, politics and economics to the study of humanity and human behavior and the first to suggest that the Scientific Method could be used in the process to discover what made man and society tick. As such, he had no regard for what “little people” thought and highest regard for those enlightened ones of superior intellectual abilities. Human nature was merely an object of dispassionate research and objective analysis.4

Auguste Comte was the founder of the discipline of Sociology and the doctrine of Positivism, and many regard him as the first philosopher of science. He was heavily influenced by Saint-Simon. Comte promoted the notion that the only authentic knowledge is scientific knowledge and that the Scientific Method was the only way to arrive at such truth.

If you want to learn more about Saint-Simon, Comte and their followers, there are a multitude of good resources in your public or university library and on the Internet. The point of invoking their names here is to point out that Technocracy’s elite way of thinking had been brewing for a long time and was hardly original with modern technocrats. However, since science was rapidly advancing during the 1920s and 1930s (and the Great Depression falsely convinced many that capitalism and free enterprise were dead), they believed that they alone possessed the knowledge to make a scientific society operate successfully and efficiently. Further, bolstered by the supposed death of capitalism during the Great Depression, they figured that their ship had finally come in, and it was time for them to take over, restructure society along scientific lines, and thereby save the world: no more depressions, no more war, no more poverty.

You will soon learn everything about Technocracy that you wish you did not know, and yet there is one more important point that you need to understand to put it all in context. In order for Technocracy to succeed, it is necessary to have in place a comprehensive system for the orderly management of all humans and all facets of societal operation. This includes the economic, political, social and religious. Furthermore, these areas must not be merely compatible; they must be so thoroughly entangled with each other that distinctions among them will not be obvious to their subjects. Indeed, this is the “holistic” approach to global governance. [Note: Governance is a process of regulatory management and does not refer to representative government, as it is commonly understood. The regulators are unelected “experts” who answer to no one, as is the case with the European Union, for instance.]

This is an important point to grasp because it permeates the thinking of all historical and modern Technocrats alike. It is, so to speak, the “glue that binds” these concepts together, rendering them inseparable, interdependent and symbiotic. Unfortunately, in order for you to really get into the Technocrat’s mind, I must digress into one more philosophical discussion, but I promise it will be short!

3 Quoted from The New School website, as of 10/5/2012

4 The Great Debate web site, http://www.thegreatdebate.org.uk/Saint-Simon.html

The Greek word for whole is “holos”, from which we have a number of modern words such as holistic, holism, holon, holarchy and so on. The philosophical concepts that have grown up around these words have as much to do with metaphysics and religion as they do with politics or economics.

In 1926, Jan Christian Smuts (1870-1950) wrote a political treatise called Holism and Evolution. Who was Smuts? As a statesman, military commander, politician and philosopher, Smuts advocated the founding of the League of Nations and later was a leading figure in the creation of the United Nations Covenant. In 1917, he was chosen to be a member of the Imperial War Cabinet in England, during which time he helped to found the Royal Air Force. In his native South Africa, Smuts was twice elected Prime Minister after holding several lesser elected positions.

In Holism and Evolution, Smuts proposed the “Theory of the Whole” which states, in part, that “what a thing is in its sum is of greater importance than its component parts.”5 Thus, the city is more important than its inhabitants, the state is more important than its cities, and the whole of humanity is more important than cities, nation-states and all the humans therein. The individual is seen relinquishing his or her rights, privileges and aspirations to the greater good. Smuts viewed evolution as an integral part of the holism phenomenon as towns grow into cities, cities into states, states into countries and countries into a global society. From every sub-atomic particle to the entire universe, each smaller part is integral and subservient to the larger. This is an early-modern scientific notion of the earth as a complete organism (whole) that has many interdependent parts (smaller wholes) that are subservient to the larger organism. Holism is also the rationale for regionalism of all magnitudes, whether Councils of Governments within states, or country groupings within continents, such as the European Union.

The philosophy of holism has since matured. Fast forward to 1967 when Arthur Koestler coined the word “holon” in his book, The Ghost in the Machine.6 Koestler suggested that a holon is a stable unit within a larger system that is controlled by other holons greater than it, all of which are in a continuous state of evolution to a higher, more complex form. Such a complete system of holons is referred to as a holarchy. Accordingly, “The entire machine of life and of the Universe itself evolves toward ever more complex states, as if a ghost were operating the machine.”7

Personally, I reject this thinking altogether because man is the pinnacle of creation and not a mere holon that must serve the holarchy. In other words, I believe that man is not to be the servant of nature, but rather nature is to be the servant of man. In the balance of this book, I will make the case that Technocrats, from the 1930s until the present, view all of the holons in the world as little more than engineering projects to be analyzed, debugged and re-engineered according to their Scientific Method. They are an egotistical bunch, to be sure, thinking that they alone have the technical abilities to save the rest of us from our ignorance and archaic beliefs such as Christianity, liberty, and personal freedom.

5 Dr. Paul Moller, Holism and Evolution, (College of European and Regional Studies, 2006).

6 Arthur Koestler, The Ghost in the Machine, (Macmillan, 1968), p. 48.

7 Piero Mella, The Holonic Revolution, 2009. (Pavia University Press, 2009).

The Devil in the Details

It is no mistake that there is a decidedly religious aspect to Technocracy. Saint-Simon’s “New Christianity” saw a pressing need to replace historical Christianity with a secular humanist religion where scientists and engineers would constitute the new priesthood.

This is in stark contrast to New Testament Christianity where the Bible speaks of the church, for instance,

But you are a chosen generation, a royal priesthood, a holy nation, His own special people, that you may proclaim the praises of Him who called you out of darkness into His marvelous light. (1 Peter 2:9)

Saint-Simon’s New Christianity not only redefined the object of worship - science instead of God - but also the priesthood that would serve this new god. However, this same scenario has played itself out innumerable times in the Old and New Testament. When the One God of the universe was seen as abandoned, idols and false gods were created to replace Him and to provide various ill-defined benefits to would-be worshipers. Some prominent examples in the Old Testament include Marduk, Baal, Bel, Molech, Ashtoreth, Tamuz, Dagon, etc. In the early period of the New Testament church, competing idols included Apollo, Zeus, Helen, Athena, Pluto, Hermes and so on. Each of these idols had its own attendant priesthood, that is, those who were allowed to approach their god and who alone were allowed to relay what their god had to say to his/her followers.

To say that Christianity and idolatry are mutually exclusive is easily seen in the New Testament where Christians are simply told to “flee from idolatry” (1 Corinthians 10:14). The apostle Paul goes on to say,

…the things which the Gentiles sacrifice they sacrifice to demons and not to God, and I do not want you to have fellowship with demons. You cannot drink the cup of the Lord and the cup of demons; you cannot partake of the Lord’s table and of the table of demons. Or do we provoke the Lord to jealousy? Are we stronger than He? (1 Corinthians 10:20-22)

Here is the crux of the matter: There is a Devil in the details of Technocracy. We must be very careful in our examination of Technocracy to see this undercurrent of religious substitution because it proves to be the basis for global deception greater than anything the world has seen to date.

Technocracy will be shown to be thoroughly anti-Christian and completely intolerant of Biblical thought. This has always been the hallmark sign seen in idolatrous religions and practices!

As stark as the contrast might be upon careful examination, we will also see how threads of Technocracy, Scientism and Transhumanism are interweaving themselves into the modern Christian church. Many modern Bible-believing Christians are quite disturbed and perplexed by this intrusion into historic Christianity. For technocrats who see Technocracy as salvation for both political and economic structures, then certainly it can be salvation for your soul as well. This is very dangerous thinking and is leading many Christians and churches into a state of active apostasy, a falling away from traditional Biblical doctrines, teachings and practices.

Trilateral Commission

In 1978 when I co-authored Trilaterals Over Washington Volumes I and II with the late Antony C. Sutton, we wrote extensively about a newly formed elitist group called the Trilateral Commission that was co-founded by David Rockefeller and Zbigniew Brzezinski. They chose about 250 elitists from North America, Europe and Japan in order to create a “New International Economic Order” (NIEO). The membership consisted of people from academia, industry, finance, media and government.

Sutton and I interpreted the NIEO as a reshuffling of conventional economic theory, such as Keynesianism, in order for their members to game the system for their own benefit. After all, the elite have been known for this type of crass manipulation to accumulate money to themselves at the expense of every one else in society. We thought this was the case with the Trilateral Commission.

Brzezinski’s 1968 book, Between Two Ages: America’s Role in the Technetronic Era, was written when he was a professor at Columbia University, yet it was this book that originally endeared him to Rockefeller and other elitists. Sutton and I wrote extensively on Brzezinski’s philosophy and conclusions as revealed in Between Two Ages, but neither of us had any inkling that the word “Technetronic” might have been a knockoff for the word “Technocratic”. Why? Because at that time neither of us had any knowledge of Technocracy or its doctrines. However, as I was researching the history of Technocracy the thought occurred to me to go back and re-read Between Two Ages to see if there were any parallels or conceptual connections to early Technocracy. Needless to say, I was shocked: throughout his book, Brzezinski was floating the party line of Technocracy.

Thus, it became increasingly clear to me that the Trilateral Commission’s original goal of creating a New International Economic Order might actually mean abandoning status quo economics in favor of a completely different economic system of Technocracy. If this is the case, then it has escaped virtually everyone’s attention for the last 40-plus years!

Well, better late than never, I suppose. … I therefore hope that you will make a careful and detailed reading of this book from beginning to end and then do some digging on your own to see if these things are true or not.

In 2009, when I had formalized my research on Technocracy to the point that I could adequately communicate it to others, I contacted a few of my professional colleagues, all of whom are very well educated on various aspects of economic globalization, global religion, science and world politics. Not only was there general acceptance of the research, but the most common response was, “This connects all the dots that we could not previously connect.” In other words, Technocracy really is the glue that binds together disparate events, movements and concepts.

On the whole, if this new knowledge collectively drew alarm from them, then I realized that Technocracy was much bigger than I had originally thought. They not only encouraged me to continue this work, but they also put themselves to the task of further research as well. In this sense, I am not writing this book alone or in a vacuum but rather with the concurrence of disciplined minds from different academic genres.

Understanding Technocracy will help you to understand and connect seemingly unrelated topics like

  • Agenda 21 and Sustainable Development
  • Land and water grabs by Federal agencies
  • ICLEI, Smart Growth and Public-Private Partnerships
  • Communitarianism, the Third Way and Communitarian Law
  • Global Warming/Climate Change
  • Smart Grid, Carbon Credits, Cap & Trade

Indeed, all of these modern phenomena have their roots firmly planted in the doctrines of early Technocracy as far back as the 1930s and beyond!

Chapter 1
Chapter 2
Chapter 3
Chapter 4
Chapter 5
Chapter 6
Chapter 7 
Chapter 8
Chapter 9
Chapter 10
Chapter 11
Chapter 12
Appendix I
Appendix II
Appendix III
Dedication … ii
Acknowledgements … iii
Foreword … iv
Preface … v
Introduction … vi
Table of Contents … xii
Author … xiii
Copyright … xiv
The Backdrop for Technocracy … 1
From Passion to Meltdown (1920-1940) … 6
The Trilateral Commission … 14
Transforming Economics … 21
Transforming Government … 29
Transforming Religion … 34
Transforming Law … 38
Transforming Energy:Global Smart Grid … 44 
The Total Surveillance Society … 52
Transforming Humanity … 57
Taking Action … 60
Conclusion … 63
Transforming Christianity … 67
1979 Interview with George S. Franklin … 71
The Earth Charter … 79
Bibliography … 85
About the Author

Patrick Wood

Patrick Wood is a leading and critical expert on Sustainable Development, Green Economy, Agenda 21, 2030 Agenda and historic Technocracy.

He is the author of Technocracy Rising: The Trojan Horse of Global Transformation (2015) and co-author of Trilaterals Over Washington, Volumes I and II (1978-1980) with the late Antony C. Sutton.

Wood remains a leading expert on the elitist Trilateral Commission, their policies and achievements in creating their self-proclaimed “New International Economic Order” which is the essence of Sustainable Development on a global scale.

An economist by education, a financial analyst and writer by profession and an American Constitutionalist by choice, Wood maintains a Biblical world view and has deep historical insights into the modern attacks on sovereignty, property rights and personal freedom. Such attacks are epitomized by the implementation of U.N. policies such as Agenda 21, Sustainable Development, Smart Growth and in education, the widespread adoption of Common Core State Standards.

Wood is a frequent speaker and guest on radio shows around the nation. His current research builds on Trilateral Commission hegemony, focusing on Technocracy, Transhumanism and Scientism, and how these are transforming global economics, politics and religion.

Copyright © 2015 by Patrick M. Wood

All rights reserved. This book or any portion thereof may not be reproduced or used in any manner whatsoever without the express written permission of the publisher except for the use of brief quotations in a book review.

Printed in the United States of America
First Printing, 2015

ISBN 978-0-9863739-1-6

Coherent Publishing
P.O. Box 21269
Mesa, AZ 85277

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